July 23, 2007

New Yorkers--Benefit Gig for Iraq Moratorium!

DJ D spins for the Iraq Moratorium!

DJ D has a resident gig every other Thursday at the venerable Williamsburg institution, Teddy’s Bar & Grill, and on August 2, he will be running it as a fundraiser for the Iraq Moratorium. The Iraq Moratorium is a vitally important initiative to manifest and focus the growing majority anti-war sentiment among the American people with locally-based activities on the Third Friday of every month, beginning on September 21. Check out the website at Iraqmoratorium.org.

Thursday, August 2, 8 PM to midnight (or so)

Teddy’s Bar & Grill
Corner of Berry and North 8th, Williamsburg, Brooklyn
(L train to Bedford Avenue)

Admission is free. Teddy’s management will donate a portion of the night’s take to the Iraq Moratorium. So contribute by dining from Teddy’s worthy menu and by drinking freely. And bring some spare cash--donations will be solicited.

In honor of the event, and to draw out folks unimpressed by mere great deejaying, DJ D promises a heavily political set:

  • Hum along to Christian pacifist Bruce Cockburn’s “If I Had a Rocket Launcher”
  • Discover Lula Belle & Scotty’s hillbilly rant “I’m No Communist”
  • Hear the two best songs of the Vietnam War era (one by crooner BJ Thomas!)
  • And for the first time in any NYC club in 30 years, easy, thrill to the Black Panther Party’s house band, the Lumpen, singing “Free Bobby Now!”

Note: the term “political” is very loosely defined—there’ll be songs about sex, drinking, shoes, working, hooking up at demonstrations, getting old, school, and major strikes as an occasion for cheating.

Plus plenty more. Ya can’t beat it with a stick. And if you are unable to attend, please consider making a direct tax-deductible donation to the Iraq Moratorium at the website.

UPDATE:

If you're coming to the gig, suggests DJ D, right here and now might be a good time to make requests--just hit the comments button at the bottom of this post. (Thanks to ey, who came up with some good suggestions.)

And, as a sneak peek--or, rather, listen--here's the video of the excellent Bruce Cockburn tune plugged in the announcement:

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July 22, 2007

Unlearning Racism in Newark in the '60s

[This summer marks the 40th anniversary of the Newark Rebellion, one of the most powerful of the so-called "riots" that shook cities across the US that summer. My friend Joy has written up this recollection of being a white girl in the Newark public schools during the Sixties.

Set four years before the actual rebellion, this story highlights some of the conditions that led up to it: white flight and the conscious abandonment of the school system in Newark by the local and state power structure as the student body became Black. It also reminds us that decades of students since then have suffered from this same educational abandonment and been made to feel unworthy in the same ways Joy's memoir details.

It is also the moving story of one thirteen-year-old white girl suddenly becoming aware of how white people make Black people invisible. I gladly take this opportunity to plug Chip Smith's splendid new book, The Cost of Privilege, which sets this phenomenon in a social and historical context--it's a must-read for anyone seeking to break down the system of white supremacy in this country. --Napolitana Piemontese]



Newark, New Jersey, 1963

It’s the first day of 8th grade for me and there’s complete chaos in the halls of the Hawthorne Avenue School. Hawthorne is the school I have gone to since I was in kindergarten, but everyone seems so unfamiliar.

It’s Newark, New Jersey, 1963 and white flight is in full throttle. And the hallway looks like a place that people are fleeing from. Classes and teachers have not been assigned. No directions for where to report have come in the mail over the summer. So hundreds of Black students and dozens of white teachers occupy the hall. Many students are new to the school and look nervous. No teacher or administrator is rushing over to welcome us back to school. We are just waiting, waiting for our class assignments, getting tired in our new shoes.

Last year the school only went up through 7th grade. This is the first year it is going through 8th grade. This change is instituted so we can avoid the infamous Clinton Place Junior High which draws students from even rougher neighborhoods. Clinton Place is a 7th through 9th grade school, so we would not get to enter Weeequahic High School until 10th grade. None of the parents want that year’s delay. Weequahic has a good reputation. It’s where the whiter, more affluent population of Newark goes. So this is the first year of 8th grade for Hawthorne, and no one seems to know what to do with us.

I am a good student. I have always gotten straight A’s in school. In 7th grade I was in a special class that covered a year and a half of instruction in just a year. The year started with the second half of 6th grade and when it was over you were ready for 8th grade. This was needed to get everyone on a September start schedule. When I and others had started kindergarten, eight years earlier, if you turned five after November you started in February. A placement test was given and either you got to skip a half -year, or you were forced to stay back a half-year. The special class was for those of us who were skipping. The students in the class were two-thirds white, which I am, and one-third Black. But now in the hall, I do not see any of the kids who were in the special class with me. They have all moved over the summer. I start to cry.

I am almost thirteen, and crying like a kindergartner just starting school. But no one even notices me. Finally we are lined up to get class assignments. I notice one girl who lives down the block from me. Dori is her name. She is chubby, white and loud—not school-smart like me but kinda fun. Now they are assigning classes---very clearly tracked. 8-1 is the top, smartest class and 8-4 is the bottom. The principal comes up to me and greets me somberly. “What are you doing here? How come you didn’t move over the summer?” I do not know what to say. I feel humiliated, and poor. Then he tells me that there is a policy that if you were allowed to skip the year before, you cannot be in the top class, because you might still be a little behind. He tells me he knows that is not true of me and shakes his head in pity for me.

The class assignments begin. Almost all the white kids are being assigned to 8-1. I realize the significance of what the principal told me five minutes earlier. I am being made a token white kid in 8-2. That is not totally accurate---there are other white kids, but they are notoriously bad students. I am really crying now. Dori, who was a September starter and so did not need to skip, is of course assigned to 8-1. My one hope of a friend is gone. I continue to cry.

Darlene, a very quiet Black girl, comes over to me. I remember when she was the only Black girl in first grade. I remember that her mom died when we were in 6th grade, and I went over to her house to tell her I was sorry. She was so happy to see me, and her father seemed amazed that I had come. Darlene asks me why I’m crying. I reply, “Because I don’t have any friends in my class.” She asks me what class I was assigned to. I tell her 8-2. She gets really excited and tells me she’s in 8-2 too, and we’re friends!

It suddenly hits that I’m crying because I don’t know any white kids in my class. I do know many of the Black kids, including the few like Darlene who had scored high enough on the test that they, like me, had been allowed to skip half a year. I am totally ashamed of myself.

I hadn’t even noticed Darlene’s class assignment, but now her welcome lifts me and makes me resolve to see her as my friend. Then all the other Black kids, who I have known for years but only in school, not outside, start crowding around me, happy to be with me again. And I’m reciprocating, even as I conceal my shame that they have been invisible to me the whole morning.


The Year That Changed My Life

As the 1963-64 school year unfolded, all the views that I had unconsciously internalized from the culture, about Black kids (then Negroes) misbehaving in schools, dissolved. I experienced firsthand, with my classmates, the fact that no one cared about our education. There were days when we had no paper and not enough workbooks. The classroom contained 35 seats nailed into the floor, but there were 40 students. Instead of bringing five additional desks into the room, it was just assumed that five kids would be absent every day.

The generosity of my Black classmates continued to educate me.
I was never excluded from the teams or from socializing. If anyone put me down, or threatened me on the way home, a classmate always magically rose to my defense. Some of my fellow students looked to me for help with homework; and my classmates ultimately elected me class president.

For the first time in my life, I had Black friends over to my house after school; and my out –of-school reading became fiction and non-fiction about heroic fights against discrimination. A book called The Barred Road, about a girl excluded from nursing because she is Black, is still vivid in my memory.

At first, the principal’s remarks had made me feel that my parents did not care about me enough to move, or finagle me into a better school district, and I was angry at them. What really happened that year, though not by design, was that I was educated to the reality of racism, and my own internalization of that bias. That 8th grade year has changed the rest of my life.

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July 14, 2007

Annette Rubinstein, ¡Presente!

On Wednesday morning, June 20, we lost an amazing woman--an organizer, a scholar and a mentor to three generations of activists: Dr. Annette T. Rubinstein, who died at age 97.

Many New York City leftists, from the 1960s onward, encountered Annette as a teacher of literature and politics at the New York Marxist School, or a supporter of struggles for community control and prisoners’ rights in the Black and Puerto Rican communities. A previous generation knew her as a teacher at the Communist Party-led Jefferson School, a leader of the vital American Labor Party during the 1940s, a top aide to the radical East Harlem Congressman Vito Marcantonio, and a forger of united left electoral efforts through the 1950s. Throughout Eastern Europe and China, where she frequent taught, Annette was known as the author of two important Marxist literary studies: The Great Tradition in English Literature: From Shakespeare to Shaw, and American Literature: Root and Flower.

Annette was a model of someone who kept her commitment to the working class and to socialism through history's twists and turns--from the mass upsurges (like the 1930s unemployed councils which inspired her as a young woman) through the times of reaction (like the McCarthyite red scares that devastated the American Labor Party and ended her work in state-licensed schools). And she always emerged ready to reach out to a new generation of radical youth.

If I had to pick three things I most admire about Annette, I would say: she had great political line; she was a mensch; and she believed that working class people have a right to beauty and to a rich intellectual life.

Annette had an independent spirit and political compass that enabled her to struggle with an organization when she thought its line was wrong, leave if necessary (as when the CPUSA abandoned the ALP and other mass groups), and find new comrades and projects. Over the years, her political practice recognized the interconnection of class and racial oppression, never falling in to the race-blind populism so common in U.S. politics. She organized and authored eloquent pamphlets—models of great political writing-- on behalf of the young Black men imprisoned after the Harlem Riots, the Panther 21 and the Attica Brothers.

Annette had a rich emotional life as a single woman and never stopped making friends. She lent younger activists her time, her name and her home, embracing their projects without second-guessing or controlling but offering constructive criticism when you were ready to hear it. Without sentimentality or the psycho-babble of the boomer generation, she was always there for friends who were going through hard times.

As a teacher of literature, Annette brought people of all backgrounds into her classes to appreciate so-called high-art as well as popular literature, never dumbing down but always rejecting elitism and obscurantism. She always had the perfect poem for any political or personal occasion—called up from memory, of course.

She was cool. I’ll miss her a lot. R.I.P. Annette.

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June 30, 2007

US Social Forum Blogging

[Exhausted from running from workshop to workshop to discuss this fall's Iraq Moratorium and plagued by a hotel "Internet connection" that moves in geological time, I have asked some friends here at the inaugural US Social Forum to help out by blogging it with me. The first post comes from Jamala Rogers, who started working here as a volunteer days before most of us showed up. I should also mention that the commendable Modern Pitung, who blogs at All Out for the Fight, seems to be live blogging the USSF. Any other blog coverage readers want to recommend?]


Atlanta. I arrived on Sunday afternoon to volunteer in the pre-Forum frenzy. Having coordinated many national conferences and events, I multiplied one of those conferences by 100 and knew I needed to get down here. The USSF is for the movement and by the movement so we each have a responsibility for doing our individual and organizational part to ensure its success.

While putting together the badges for the conference, my small work table grew to four people. Bedsides me, there were two were young, African-American women and one older white male. One sistah was an budding entrepreneur here in Atlanta with a shop in the Five Points area. The other sister had taken a 31-hour bus ride from Connecticut to attend the USSF. She got big props from all of us!

The sole male was from Texas by way of my home state of Missouri so we made a connection based upon common geography. When I found out he is a member of Veterans for Peace, I told him I was invited to participate in the group's opening ceremony for their national conference being held in St. Louis. Although he didn't think he would make the August confab, it was an indication of the kind of networking that allows us to see how connected we really are.
We all expressed our excitement about attending the historic USSF and what events we planned to attend, our expectations, etc. I can only believe that our working table was a microcosm of the thousands of fortunate people able to experience the first such forum in the US.

Adelante!
Jamala Rogers

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June 21, 2007

Dion, Paris Hilton, and Rock and Rap Confidential

"Paris Hilton? Ol' Jimmy's done taken leave of his senses entire. What little he had left."

Don't lie, I know that's what you're thinking.

Could be, but you're not gonna prove it with this post. I recently got an appeal from the splendid folks at Rock & Rap Confidential, a progressive music publication (started in the early '80s by Dave Marsh and his posse as Rock & Roll Confidential). They wanted me to hustle folks to subscribe--but let them explain in their own words:

Rock & Rap Confidential, the only publication ever recommended by Rage Against the Machine, is now available free of charge via email. To subscribe, just send the email address you wish to receive it at to:

RRC is the only publication that reviews and promotes every type of music.

RRC, the first to oppose Tipper Gore and the music censors, remains in the forefront in the fight for musical freedom of expression.

RRC is always giving answers to the question: Just exactly why do we need the music industry?

RRC regularly challenges Bono on his bullshit.


Trust me. This is a publication you want to read. And the sucker's free. What are you waiting for?

Okay. To convince those unwilling to take my word for it, I was going to reprint their insightful obituary of James Brown, continuing the JB coverage that started here after his death.

I may still do that sometime soon, but I'm going with another piece of evidence. Just an hour ago I got an email from RRC's list for occasional forwards (and you definitely want to sign up for that too). It hipped me to a brand new YouTube offering, in which Dion--Dion DiMucci, Dion & The Belmonts, that Dion--unveils a new love song he's just written to Paris Hilton. No audible snark, no innuendo. Just a true love song in the old style. And the combination of that lyrical straightforwardness combined with the horrific media-saturated mess that is Ms. Hilton is what gives this song its power.

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June 11, 2007

Opening a Dialog on Disability and the Left

I recently received an email from my old friend Mike Meiselman (who says he eschews screen names as part of his bid to get onto the "no-fly" list--I guess everybody needs a hobby). Mike wrote it after reading "The Left and Mental Health," a recent article by Bill Fletcher, Jr., posted at the website of the Freedom Road Socialist Organization / Organización Socialista del Camino para la Libertad.

In the interests of deepening this discussion, I asked for and got Mike's permission to publish his response. I strongly suggest reading Bill Fletcher's short piece first, and if the discussion raises questions or sparks thoughts, I hope you, dear reader, will post something in the comments section below.

Thus saith Mike Meiselman:

I want to thank Bill Fletcher, Jr. for his recent note concerning mental health concerns. Coming from an individual as well respected as Brother Fletcher I hope his message will not be lost.

Yet even a person as respected as Bill has to start his paper on mental health by asking people to take what he says seriously--to hear him out before laughing.

Mental illness, cognitive and physical disabilities have not and are not taken seriously by the left. In fact, most all on the left do not see any place for people with disabilities (PWDs) except as wards of the state.

Last year at the annual meeting of Jobs with Justice in St. Louis the National Action planned a demonstration in favor of keeping a state institution for people with disabilities open. One of Jobs with Justice's major supporters, AFCSME, wants to keep these state-run institutions open, as the employees are AFSCME members. When challenged whether this was in the best interest of the residents, comrades and friends deferred to a parent's organization that supported the institutionalization of their children.

Parents often do not represent the wants and needs of their children, disabled or not. But one can hardly fault the parents for their thinking. The financial and emotional stigma attached to raising children with severe disabilities is multiplied by the lack of supports available for the caretakers. Unfortunately, AFSCME's interest and the interests of some parents took precedent over the desires and needs of the prisoners in these state institutions. No one contacted the residents, nor were any disability advocacy organizations; it was enough to get some parents' approval.

Locking people with disabilities up in institutions has a history. The initial establishment of these institutions was progressive. Now they have become regressive. In the 1960s, faced with shrinking budgets, many state institutions were closed and the residents kicked out with no supports whatsoever. These closings and evictions had nothing to do with the welfare of the people with disabilities. They were simply measure taken in accord with capitalism. Economically they were unable to justify their existence.

We know now, however, that the overwhelming numbers of people with disabilities thrive outside traditional state institutions when they receive appropriate supports. In fact, a major goal of the disability rights movement is implementing "Olmstead" legislation (after a Supreme Court case of a couple of years ago). The Olmstead decision orders that money spent on an individual incarceration in a state institution should follow each person into the community and appropriate supports follow them.

The upsurge in the struggle for the civil rights of Black people in the '50s and 60s inspired many liberation movements. PWDs were also inspired. Berkeley, California gave rise to the Independent Living Movement. First fighting to gain admittance to the University and then facing many hurdles in being able to attend classes, people with disabilities took on the Administration and the attitudes of the campus community.

Inspired by their success, Independent Living movements sprang up all across the USA. People in wheelchairs and their supporters took on public transportation. Chaining themselves to buses in cities from San Francisco to Chicago to Boston, they began to win increased access to so-called public transportation. In state after state, city after city, struggles like ones to make voting stations accessible, to allow people with disabilities to attend court without the humiliation of being carried up flights of stairs, for an end to segregated schools. People with disabilities fought for basic democratic rights.

We support the struggle for Democratic Rights. We are active participants in many such struggles. For the most part though, we are absent from the struggles of PWDs. Why are PWDs fighting these struggles without the broad support of a concerned people? Because of the stigma attached to people with disabilities. It's similar to white skin privilege. "At least I have it better than that poor soul" is what we say when we send money in to "Jerry's kids" every Labor Day. We look at people with deformities, developmental disabilities, injuries and illnesses and turn away.

Today, especially after the tragedy at Virginia Tech, there is more fear being spread about how dangerous people with disabilities are, along with cries that more people need to be housed in state-run institutions as a matter of public safety. Increasingly louder voices call for preventive detention for people with mental disorders. Where is the left in opposing these attacks on democratic rights?

I know there are revolutionaries and progressives who work with PWDs. I know there are progressives working with SEIU and AFSCME or trying to organize the workers who serve PWDs. We should be uniting with the aspirations of the people who we work for and be very careful about the unity we have with those who profit off the institutionalization of PWDs.

I am not going to attempt a full-blown declaration concerning the disability rights movement here. It is long and complex. In fact, my own disability does not allow me the concentration needed to write much more.

Do some research. I suggest these books--Nothing About Us Without Us: Disability Oppression and Empowerment by James I. Charlton, and Beyond Ramps: Disability at the End of the Social Contract by Marta Russell. Or just google Disability rights and see what comes up. And you could do a lot worse than to check out my wife's blog, Big Noise.

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June 9, 2007

Ban The Heart Punch!: Scooter Libby edition

[The Heart Punch was a purportedly devastating blow in '50s professional wrestling, of such potential deadliness that "controversy" about the need to ban it was a mainstay of commentary on wrestling broadcasts.]

United States District Judge Reggie Walton just delivered a lulu of a Heart Punch. He is the guy who presided at I. Lewis Libby's perjury trial (part of the Valerie Plame/CIA outing affair) and then sentenced old Scooter to 2 1/2 years--plus probation, plus a fat fine.

Between the verdict and the sentencing, Walton was subjected to an orchestrated barrage of letters from various Republican bigshots urging clemency for the little war criminal. Among them was a letter which was signed by 12 big bucks legal experts, including Robert Bork and Alan Dershowitz, asking for "friend of the court" status and claiming that the whole trial was unconstitutional.

Judge Walton, in a footnote near the end of his order granting amicus curiae status to various applicants, wrote:

It is an impressive show of public service when twelve prominent and distinguished current and former law professors of well-respected schools are able to amass their collective wisdom in the course of only several days to provide their legal expertise to the Court on behalf of a criminal defendant. The Court trusts that this is an indication of these eminent academics' willingness in the future to step to the plate and provide like assistance in cases involving any of the numerous litigants, both in this Court and throughout the courts of our nation, who lack the financial means to fully and properly articulate the merits of their legal positions even in instances where failure to do so could result in monetary penalties, incarceration, or worse. The Court will certainly not hesitate to call for such assistance from these luminaries, as necessary in the interests of justice and equity, whenever similar questions arise in the cases that come before it.


Bam! "Doctor! Is there a doctor in the arena!?"

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